Sunday, October 31, 2010
Reflection 10
Friday, October 29, 2010
Reflection 10—
So let me see if I can somehow relate this to security. Last night I was on the phone with my girlfriend (as usual) and she had just seen the movie “Food Inc.” Now, I haven’t seen the film, but it sounds like the basic premise of it is to say that if there isn’t reform to the food industry, bad things are going to happen. In Obama’s NSS 2010 he relates the security of America to essentially the stability and prosperity of its citizens. In “Food Inc.” one statistic says (don’t quote me on this) that in the near future, over 50% of American minorities will have contracted diabetes. Isn’t this the kind of epidemic that Obama is striving to prevent? The problem with such a sophisticated and modernized world is that there are insufficient funds and insufficient time to properly address all of the threats to our society. I’d say the prospect of millions of Americans having a potentially fatal disease is a pretty substantial threat to our way of life. Any kind of universal healthcare will be crushed if funds are consumed with just an individual problem. The domino affect of something like this is massive. Why am I not terrified…or why will I not care tomorrow? Is it because there are bigger threats to our security? Not really. It is because I can’t do anything about it. Yes the idea of “oh if one person addresses it and then another and another until everyone has changed” is quite a beautiful fantasy, that logic discounts reason. As a singular citizen I have no power beyond filling in a bubble on a scantron. Our security as a nation depends on the effectiveness of our leaders in a system designed to render them ineffective. Senator Kaufman told Jon Stewart on “The Daily Show” Tuesday night that the system is fundamentally structured to crush legislation…Well that sucks. Unless some serious reorientation of the political and economic systems occur then all of these issues we are facing will become malignant and effectively screw us over, whatever that means.
Thursday, October 28, 2010
Blog 8
After reading the NSC68 document, it was very clear to me what the US's security strategy was in 1950. The US wanted to subdue the threat of communism because it went against everything the US constitution stood for (under a stable government) and it wanted to try and counter any possible nuclear attack from the USSR (physically safe). That was the basic idea of this top secret security strategy, and it involved nothing but security.
The 2010 security strategy is a little bit different. Not only is it out in the open for anyone to read, which I protest to, but it is very general in terms of what it considers security. Sure, it involves actual security and military options, but for some reason the US seems to consider improving the economy, human rights abroad and education parts of national security, which I just don't agree with. Sure, I understand how educating the youth can contribute to National Security, or how improving the Economy can contribute to National Security. But I don't believe that either of these things really ARE National Security the way that defense is.
Stretching the boundaries too far
Wednesday, October 27, 2010
Blog 8—
Determining what the aspects of a security strategy should be or exclude, first begs a definition of security. This definition is dependant upon which theoretical school of thought one identifies with, because they range from narrow to broad interpretations of security. A realist would argue that military force is the primary component of security and probably economic superiority as well. The offensive nature of realist IR dictates that the best defense is having a bigger stick than everyone else. Conversely a liberal would concede that military power is important for security, but on a more defensive scale. The liberal doctrine would promote the idea of diplomacy as the key component of security. Strong alliances and an international presence rule liberal security thought. Constructivists would advocate for the promotion of shared values throughout the world. If the international community were to have the same basic set of moral and humanitarian standards, then the community would be far more socially cohesive, thus ensuring the security of all nations.
In President Obama’s National Security Strategy he addresses all of these scholarly viewpoints. He realistically makes the assertion that the U.S. military must adapt to a new and more versatile enemy, thus remodeling the American war machine to be better suited to wage war in the modern world. There was also a heavy focus on healing our economy to retain our hegemonic economic supremacy. The document also prescribes a massive influx of American diplomats to countries around the world, in order to promote peace and democracy. Obama also spoke about keeping the values of the U.S. strong as well as spreading them to places where people are oppressed and can barely conceive the idea of freedom.
The document addressed a large variety of topics as they relate to security, and all have an argument to support them. The only issue with the document, which is a fundamental one, is that there was no outline for how any of the goals he presented were to be achieved. This leaves us with the big question of 'will any change actually occur.'
Monday, October 25, 2010
Reflection 9
Reflection—9
More Diplomatic Risk…So this week of the game really sucked. My teammates and I (the blue team) had a perfectly devised plan to achieve our objective in the game. Since it is over now (sadly) I feel fine revealing fully our two objectives, which were to either have 15 alliances on the Diplomatic Status board or to have no wars declared on the board. At the end of Fridays class the blue team, almost single handedly, tapped into our physical and diplomatic resources to eliminate the red team from the game. We did this successfully, clearing the status board of wars. The only two neutral squares remaining were determined by the black team and us. Our secret power (as we understood it) was that we could censure any team from changing the diplomatic status board from one round of play. So…if you can follow the logic, we clearly were not going to declare war and could censure black if they attempted to declare war. No wars on the status board…game won…blue team kicks ass. Roland and I are high-fiving, Rachel and Hillary are giggling, and Kate is about to have a nervous breakdown she’s so excited. Then we were informed by PTJ that we could only use our power to freeze the board at the beginning of the round, effectively ruining our beautiful moment. Thanks a lot.
Reflection: The Black and Whites of Risk
Sunday, October 24, 2010
Blog 7
In the beginning of the game, we almost exactly simulated World Politics. Every group was acting in its own interest, simulating Realism, but at the same time was making deals and alliances with other groups to help themselves acheive their goal, simulating Realism. But that as because we had all just started to play the game, and everyone had a general interest in the affairs of their respective "countries." Then, time went by and after several thousand backdoor deals and meetings took place in the dorms, teams started to band together and trust eachother to help neutralize a common threat, which at that time was the red team. This is exactly like when Russia and the US set aside their political differences in WW 2 to defeat the Nazi's, because they decided that since they had the same goal, it was better to work together to acheive it than try to take on Germany by themselves. After the Red country was gone, things started to change. several people lost interest and those who were interested became more interested. After that, people were making secret alliances left and right, while some (which I must once again clarify, had nothing to do with me) turned their back on their allies without them knowing. During the last round of Risk, the Yellow, Blue, and Black teams arranged a three way tie by completely destroying the other two nations.
During the game, the Yellow team was working very closely with the Green team to mutually acheive their goals. But later, the Yellow team (EXCLUDING ME) decided that the green and yellow teams could not win together, so they decided to find another way to win. This is exactly like when the USSR and the US's friendly relations fell apart shortly after destroying Nazi Germany, because it was immediately after the red team had been destroyed that green-yellow relations fell apart.
So overall, I believe it almost exactly simulated real world politics, except for the three way tie at the end. The ending of this game showed that Liberalism is the way the world chose to go, but in the actual world things would have never happened like that. The world's countries will never be able to trust each other enough to put their entire fate in another country's hands, for fear that they will betray them. In the real world, everyone is still scared of each other to the point that they don't quite trust anyone, which is why the three theories of International Relations are so balanced in the real world. And that is why things will never be as they were in our game of Risk.
Wednesday, October 20, 2010
Blog—7
Diplomatic Risk is the shit. I think PTJ should make it a game that other people can buy, because it’s just about the most stimulating board game on earth. However, to engage the actual question posed, the key element that relates Diplomatic Risk to the real world is the people behind the scenes. The Heads of State are only partially in power during DR because they are constantly being advised of the group plan, because as they are sitting isolated from the bustle of the game, they are relatively uninformed about the workings of their state. This is very unlike the real world where a Head of State would ideally have the most comprehensive grasp of state strategy and status.
The realistic component of the game which makes it so enjoyable is the off board and off World Council allegiances, bargains, and treachery. Players are constantly aligning themselves with one thread of play and revolutionizing their gameplay at the end of every turn. As things change and shift in the real world, so do the interactions between states, as they do in DR. The disease outbreak in the United States is one such incident where states act mainly out of self-interest and their viewpoints change, as they do in the real world.
However, similar to real states, each team in DR has a way to win the game or “objective” that they are constantly working to achieve. This can be equated to the core values that all nations hold and define the way a nation goes about conducting their foreign policy. DR is an effective instrument to immerse IR students in a simulation setting that exposes us to some semblance of what goes on in the international community.
Diplomatic Risk vs. the Real World
Monday, October 18, 2010
Reflection 8
Sunday, October 17, 2010
Risk
Tuesday, October 12, 2010
Reflection—7
All of the groups that presented in our simulation all had compelling arguments from the standpoint they were tasked to represent. The views of the Sierra Club would coincide more with my personal outlook on the issue, which made it difficult to form a compelling argument to counter their points. This is the challenge with a debate type forum where viewpoints are assigned because many times you are forced to argue a point that you don’t agree with. I would like to further explore this ability because it was difficult to form a cohesive and substantive argument from a perspective that I saw so many holes in.
Also during the rebuttal time, it would have been useful for other groups besides the one presenting, to offer a second rebuttal, making the debate more into a discussion rather than a presentation of points (although that may have defeated the purpose of having a debate). However, altogether interactions with group mates as well as people in other groups were positive and easy to do. It was great working with a group that accomplished everything in a timely manner.
Reflection 7
Reflection: Simulation
Tuesday, October 5, 2010
Reflection—6
After discussion of marginalization in class on Friday, two basic positions arose. The first was that those on the outskirts of society do have an important impact on the public and need to be given a voice. The other was a slight clarification of this idea, acknowledging that the bottom rung is important, but only when they themselves forcefully make their voice heard. There also is a distinct difference between a marginalized people and a people being marginalized, which seemed to be overlooked in class. Suppression is a wholly different attitude than marginalization. The deliberate act of stifling a certain group’s voice in society reverts more to the idea of a dictatorship, than anything that is integral in contemporary democracy. However, to use the past United States as an example, the treatment of African Americans after the abolition of slavery is a clear policy of suppression because of it’s design to intentionally subjugate the interests of a specific group. To combat this, our current democracy has practices such as affirmative action, which have been put in place in the attempt to bring people in from the margins.
The question then arises, how much of this talk of marginalization is applicable to world politics or more specifically IR. In the case of world politics there is some impact in the sense that benevolent international powers, such as the U.S., engage in humanitarian operations to help those who are being suppressed (not those who are naturally marginalized). However, in terms of IR theory, the idea of marginalization is less tangible. Certainly there are states on the outside of power looking in, but that is because they have not established themselves as worth engaging. They impose no threat and provide little benefit to the international community. Third world nations rarely are involved as primary parties of important alliances because their international standing is focused on development more than substantial involvement.
International powers cannot be expected to cater to the desires of non-influential states, even though they sometimes do. States without a high level of international weight can only expect their opinions to be heard, not necessarily acted upon. Therefore they are inherently marginalized but certainly far from suppressed.