Tuesday, December 7, 2010
Reflection 15
But besides that, I did generally enjoy the class, and we did hit some issues I feel very strongly about, which I am sure will be quite obvious in my blog posts. I think more than anything I enjoyed having a class where everyone knows each other and can come talk to you about what you said in class later. It was slightly relieving to walk into the lounge the day before the mid term was due only to find seven people just as stressed out as me sitting in there rapidly typing on their computers. Luckily, that is not something that is going to change next semester, but it is something I think I will miss very much next year.
Sunday, December 5, 2010
Reflection 14—
The simulation…would have been better if we had simply had one or two more class periods to hash out all of the different issues. The topic was extremely stimulating and interesting and I just wish that we had been able to see it through to at least some sort of conclusion. However, overall I would deem the experience to be a success given the parameters of the assignment, although it would have been beneficial if some groups had participated in the representation of their entity more thoroughly. This would have been a good stimulus for discussion and also prevented other outside groups from influencing their decisions based on outside interests rather than internal facts about their organization. Despite this minor setback, the different constituencies brought to the conference introduced a variety of interests that were on the whole well represented. This simulation was a great way to employ some of what we have learned this semester, while forcing us to once again represent a group that we might not typically side with. As a representative of McDonalds it was difficult to separate my personal thoughts from the objectives of the McDonalds Corporation. However, as a group I though McDonalds was extremely well represented, even if some views were manipulated to support what we as individuals thought was important. Overall the simulation was engaging and informative and left the class on a good note. Thanks for all the time and work Class, Erin, and PTJ.
Monday, November 29, 2010
Simulation Forecast
Reflection 13—
The Museum of the American Indian is inherently ironic in its formation. The dismissal of reality is an unfortunate product of our cultural and political contempt for the indigenous people of America. The government displays the mirage of honoring and representing Indian culture and history on our national mall, when it is more of a glossing over of the past and present Indian reality. We have to make the conscious choice of whether to fully acknowledge Native American history or at least do it the service of honestly ignoring it altogether. Instead of choosing one of these two truthful options, we have decided that it is better to misrepresent the Indian past by focusing on the rich and diverse cultures. This would be all well and good accept for the fact that it was these cultures that America dismantled, discounted, and disrespected. It is a futile enterprise of reconciliation to now acknowledge the cultures without also recognizing the gross misdeeds we have performed.
Saturday, November 27, 2010
Reflection 14
I thought about it a little more, and I realized how much the institution of thanksgiving in general directly correlates with constructivism. Thanksgiving is a purely American institution, where people spend hundreds of dollars traveling to family homes to spend a long weekend together, while for the rest of the world it's just another weekend. Thanksgiving gives the American public an identity completely unique to them, which distinguishes them from the rest of the world. And so thanksgiving also contributes to the theory of constructivism.
Monday, November 22, 2010
Reflection 13
*Just to clarify, I do not in anyway use that word to suggest I don't like the US or don't want to be an American. It is more to clarify that I love being who I am, and that is British. It is a joke I use a lot but I sometimes get myself into trouble for it, so I just had to clarify to anyone who took offense to that.
Thursday, November 18, 2010
Blog 11—
Columbus is unique. His religious piety that he prized over wealth makes him a remarkable man. However, his progression from a respectful bewilderment of the Indians to an antagonistic force, bent on subjugating their culture, undeniably rests some degree of blame for the subsequent colonization on his shoulders.
Arguably any other European would have more quickly made the jump from assimilation to colonization, but the reality is that Columbus was the first European man with the ability to make that transition; which of course he did. It is clear that he delights in the natural aspects of the new world, which many other men would have viewed as secondary to wealth, but his discovery of Indian culture was altogether normal and predictable. Tzvetan Todorov asserts that Columbus possessed an extraordinary amount of pride, predisposing him to infuse irrevocable truth in the skewed observations he ascribes to the new world. This idea can be expanded to the sentiment of European superiority, so although other Europeans would have had the same enslaving colonialist doctrine as Columbus, it was Columbus who first shaped the Indian reality in that light.
Columbus began the inevitable progression from discovery to domination, and despite the fact that he went about the transformation in a slightly novel manner, he crossed that bridge. The subsequent actions of Spanish colonizers were dually part of their own subversive intentions as well as reflections of the precedent set by Columbus. With the great praise gifted to Columbus for his world altering discovery, there must also be dispensed an equally harsh degree of responsibility for the actions that his discovery initiated.
Wednesday, November 17, 2010
Did Columbus set off the domino effect?
Bonus Blog question
In terms of which representation of Native Americans is more acceptable, I believe you could see both representations either way. Most Native American rights advocates (as well as the Native Americans themselves) would find the museum a more acceptable view of "Indians" because it showcases and represents the history and culture of various Native American tribes that generally most people don't know about and don't think about on a regular basis. They would also probably find the representations of "Indians" made by the Redskins unacceptable because in their view, it is an innacurate representation of Native Americans and possibly an ethnic slur. But at the same time, Football fans probably don't think much about the slurs behind naming a football team a Native American derogatory term, and see it simply as a representation of the sports team they love and support until the day they die. But the senario becomes different when talking about how the same football fans would view the Native American museum. In this case, the football fans take on the same view as the American public; which is that they don't know very much about Native Americans in the first place. That is not anyone's fault though, because Native American affairs simply are not prevalent in American news and culture, so they are often forgotten about. Sure, people are taught about Native Americans in elementary school, but it is not likely they still remember it far into their adulthood. So in this case, it is impossible to say wether these people view the museum as acceptable or not, because they just don't know enough to decide in the first place.
Blog Post 11
Tuesday, November 16, 2010
Reflection: Prioritizing
Monday, November 15, 2010
Reflection: The reality of what circumstances can mean
During Friday’s discussion, we got to talking about education as a right vs. a privilege and how accessible higher education is to society. When some people started saying things like, “you can get anything you want if you work for it,” and “college is possible for those who really want it,” I started to get a bit annoyed and it got to me on a personal level. I was frustrated at people’s ignorance, but at the same time I recognize that some people are just removed from certain situations and thus stems their lack of knowledge. I raised my hand to voice my opinion and concluded with something along the lines of “it all depends on circumstances.” PTJ then asked, “like what?” and at that, a flood of emotions washed over me. Since I was not comfortable sharing personal situations, and since that was all that was going through my mind at the time, I wasn’t able to verbalize my thoughts or offer any examples as to what circumstances I was talking about. I’d like to try again.
Reflection 12
Friday, November 12, 2010
Reflection 12—
So as we left class about twenty minutes ago, PTJ brought up the question we will be addressing next week regarding the aim and intent of international aid, and how those should be configured. All my life I have wanted to be involved with some sort of NGO or aid organization that helps people on the ground, in the field. On a human plane this is extremely rewarding for both the anthropologist and the receiver of aid.
However…in light of some strong points in today’s discussion, it seems as if the best way to facilitate general well-being is to interact with governments rather than individual civilians. If someone builds a school in an African nation or even a school district, that affects what…10,000 people max? Instead if the government is supported and solidified fiscally, economically, and in terms of security, there is a far higher probability that the nation as a whole will experience great benefit, rather than a single community. The gap between funds and efforts that it takes to reform a government is certainly extreme, but even partial reforms will have a larger umbrella effect than educational engagement in a individual community.
This is not to discourage anthropological efforts because in terms of human relationship personal efforts are far more valuable. However, there are two levels of foreign aid that need to be addressed and the first is undeniably macro engagement. Once fundamental government responsibility is established, from there NGO projects and the kind of aid we would normally consider to be “aid” becomes more sustainable and eventually can be built upon. That is why a country like Kenya with a more stable government is far more capable of sustaining development, than a country like Chad, whose government is merely a means for leaders to steal enough from the people so that they can experience a comfortable European exile. Governmental structures are what international aid should first address.
Thursday, November 11, 2010
Acknowledging perspectives
Tuesday, November 9, 2010
Addressing the root cause
Monday, November 8, 2010
Reflection 11—
So yesterday I was watching this comedy skit by John Oliver, who is Jon Stewart’s senior correspondent on “The Daily Show.” Oliver is British, so his material is mostly concerned with how ludicrous people in America are, and how ridiculous our government is. At one point in the routine he tells a story about when he was watching TV one day he saw an advertisement for an inflatable barbeque. The idea of this marvelous invention is that you can cook while you swim. Oliver pointed out that only in America would you find this toy. He talked about how the Chinese could certainly make it and for cheap, but no Chinese family could ever “pull off” an inflatable barbeque.
This joke taken lightly is hilarious, but when one really considers the fact that American companies are investing even a cent in the production of inflatable barbeques you have to be a little worried. As we go into the next couple weeks discussing poverty, the disgusting material whorishness of Americans should certainly be on our minds. This last week we talked about an income gap in America. The global income gap and rift in standard of living is far more pronounced and far direr. It may be worth exploring alternatives to inflatable barbeques in the interest of promoting some semblance of balance across the globe.
Saturday, November 6, 2010
Reflection 11
I also found it unbelievably ironic to find that they actually sold Pentagon shot glasses. I spent a good half hour cracking up at the idea in my head.
Thursday, November 4, 2010
Security?
Tuesday, November 2, 2010
Blog 9—
In terms of our perception of our own security, there is something inherently comforting about knowing that our troops are off somewhere fighting a bad guy. This is our natural reaction to foreign intervention before we logically assess the impact of waging a war in a country halfway across the globe. Another way to conceptualize the affect of the war in Afghanistan on our security is that it really has no impact. The Taliban isn’t about to invade the United States, they don’t have a stockpile of nuclear weapons for the sole purpose of destroying western ideals and democracy. So why do we care?
In the Krebs article he makes the case that the War on Terror is a rhetorically formulated idea that allows the U.S. to intervene in places like Iraq and Afghanistan under the guise of subverting terrorist operations that are threatening America. In reality, Afghanistan may be harboring Osama bin Laden, but how important is that to our security? Not very. Having thousands of troops deployed in the Middle East does very little to prevent a terrorist attack on the United States, and is hard pressed to have any sizable impact on stemming the growth of existing terrorist organizations.
The primary result of indefinite engagement in the Middle East is the utter waste of American capital and resources. When Mayor Giuliani spoke during parents weekend he attempted to make the point that war was stimulating to the economy. Well welcome to the 21st century Mayor, because war no longer creates millions of jobs in weapon production because it doesn’t take 10,000 tanks to fight Al Qaeda; one might even be too many. War simply saps the strength of our nation, as illustrated beautifully in Diplomatic Risk when armies were removed for active wars. If there were any way to categorize the war in Afghanistan as it relates to our security, it would be dangerous. It is harmful to our economy, which according to our President is an integral factor to our stability and security as a nation. The former administration got us all wrapped up in warfare, which ended up threatening our sovereignty rather than strengthening it as was hopefully intended.
Monday, November 1, 2010
Reflection: Rally!
Sunday, October 31, 2010
Reflection 10
Friday, October 29, 2010
Reflection 10—
So let me see if I can somehow relate this to security. Last night I was on the phone with my girlfriend (as usual) and she had just seen the movie “Food Inc.” Now, I haven’t seen the film, but it sounds like the basic premise of it is to say that if there isn’t reform to the food industry, bad things are going to happen. In Obama’s NSS 2010 he relates the security of America to essentially the stability and prosperity of its citizens. In “Food Inc.” one statistic says (don’t quote me on this) that in the near future, over 50% of American minorities will have contracted diabetes. Isn’t this the kind of epidemic that Obama is striving to prevent? The problem with such a sophisticated and modernized world is that there are insufficient funds and insufficient time to properly address all of the threats to our society. I’d say the prospect of millions of Americans having a potentially fatal disease is a pretty substantial threat to our way of life. Any kind of universal healthcare will be crushed if funds are consumed with just an individual problem. The domino affect of something like this is massive. Why am I not terrified…or why will I not care tomorrow? Is it because there are bigger threats to our security? Not really. It is because I can’t do anything about it. Yes the idea of “oh if one person addresses it and then another and another until everyone has changed” is quite a beautiful fantasy, that logic discounts reason. As a singular citizen I have no power beyond filling in a bubble on a scantron. Our security as a nation depends on the effectiveness of our leaders in a system designed to render them ineffective. Senator Kaufman told Jon Stewart on “The Daily Show” Tuesday night that the system is fundamentally structured to crush legislation…Well that sucks. Unless some serious reorientation of the political and economic systems occur then all of these issues we are facing will become malignant and effectively screw us over, whatever that means.
Thursday, October 28, 2010
Blog 8
After reading the NSC68 document, it was very clear to me what the US's security strategy was in 1950. The US wanted to subdue the threat of communism because it went against everything the US constitution stood for (under a stable government) and it wanted to try and counter any possible nuclear attack from the USSR (physically safe). That was the basic idea of this top secret security strategy, and it involved nothing but security.
The 2010 security strategy is a little bit different. Not only is it out in the open for anyone to read, which I protest to, but it is very general in terms of what it considers security. Sure, it involves actual security and military options, but for some reason the US seems to consider improving the economy, human rights abroad and education parts of national security, which I just don't agree with. Sure, I understand how educating the youth can contribute to National Security, or how improving the Economy can contribute to National Security. But I don't believe that either of these things really ARE National Security the way that defense is.
Stretching the boundaries too far
Wednesday, October 27, 2010
Blog 8—
Determining what the aspects of a security strategy should be or exclude, first begs a definition of security. This definition is dependant upon which theoretical school of thought one identifies with, because they range from narrow to broad interpretations of security. A realist would argue that military force is the primary component of security and probably economic superiority as well. The offensive nature of realist IR dictates that the best defense is having a bigger stick than everyone else. Conversely a liberal would concede that military power is important for security, but on a more defensive scale. The liberal doctrine would promote the idea of diplomacy as the key component of security. Strong alliances and an international presence rule liberal security thought. Constructivists would advocate for the promotion of shared values throughout the world. If the international community were to have the same basic set of moral and humanitarian standards, then the community would be far more socially cohesive, thus ensuring the security of all nations.
In President Obama’s National Security Strategy he addresses all of these scholarly viewpoints. He realistically makes the assertion that the U.S. military must adapt to a new and more versatile enemy, thus remodeling the American war machine to be better suited to wage war in the modern world. There was also a heavy focus on healing our economy to retain our hegemonic economic supremacy. The document also prescribes a massive influx of American diplomats to countries around the world, in order to promote peace and democracy. Obama also spoke about keeping the values of the U.S. strong as well as spreading them to places where people are oppressed and can barely conceive the idea of freedom.
The document addressed a large variety of topics as they relate to security, and all have an argument to support them. The only issue with the document, which is a fundamental one, is that there was no outline for how any of the goals he presented were to be achieved. This leaves us with the big question of 'will any change actually occur.'
Monday, October 25, 2010
Reflection 9
Reflection—9
More Diplomatic Risk…So this week of the game really sucked. My teammates and I (the blue team) had a perfectly devised plan to achieve our objective in the game. Since it is over now (sadly) I feel fine revealing fully our two objectives, which were to either have 15 alliances on the Diplomatic Status board or to have no wars declared on the board. At the end of Fridays class the blue team, almost single handedly, tapped into our physical and diplomatic resources to eliminate the red team from the game. We did this successfully, clearing the status board of wars. The only two neutral squares remaining were determined by the black team and us. Our secret power (as we understood it) was that we could censure any team from changing the diplomatic status board from one round of play. So…if you can follow the logic, we clearly were not going to declare war and could censure black if they attempted to declare war. No wars on the status board…game won…blue team kicks ass. Roland and I are high-fiving, Rachel and Hillary are giggling, and Kate is about to have a nervous breakdown she’s so excited. Then we were informed by PTJ that we could only use our power to freeze the board at the beginning of the round, effectively ruining our beautiful moment. Thanks a lot.
Reflection: The Black and Whites of Risk
Sunday, October 24, 2010
Blog 7
In the beginning of the game, we almost exactly simulated World Politics. Every group was acting in its own interest, simulating Realism, but at the same time was making deals and alliances with other groups to help themselves acheive their goal, simulating Realism. But that as because we had all just started to play the game, and everyone had a general interest in the affairs of their respective "countries." Then, time went by and after several thousand backdoor deals and meetings took place in the dorms, teams started to band together and trust eachother to help neutralize a common threat, which at that time was the red team. This is exactly like when Russia and the US set aside their political differences in WW 2 to defeat the Nazi's, because they decided that since they had the same goal, it was better to work together to acheive it than try to take on Germany by themselves. After the Red country was gone, things started to change. several people lost interest and those who were interested became more interested. After that, people were making secret alliances left and right, while some (which I must once again clarify, had nothing to do with me) turned their back on their allies without them knowing. During the last round of Risk, the Yellow, Blue, and Black teams arranged a three way tie by completely destroying the other two nations.
During the game, the Yellow team was working very closely with the Green team to mutually acheive their goals. But later, the Yellow team (EXCLUDING ME) decided that the green and yellow teams could not win together, so they decided to find another way to win. This is exactly like when the USSR and the US's friendly relations fell apart shortly after destroying Nazi Germany, because it was immediately after the red team had been destroyed that green-yellow relations fell apart.
So overall, I believe it almost exactly simulated real world politics, except for the three way tie at the end. The ending of this game showed that Liberalism is the way the world chose to go, but in the actual world things would have never happened like that. The world's countries will never be able to trust each other enough to put their entire fate in another country's hands, for fear that they will betray them. In the real world, everyone is still scared of each other to the point that they don't quite trust anyone, which is why the three theories of International Relations are so balanced in the real world. And that is why things will never be as they were in our game of Risk.
Wednesday, October 20, 2010
Blog—7
Diplomatic Risk is the shit. I think PTJ should make it a game that other people can buy, because it’s just about the most stimulating board game on earth. However, to engage the actual question posed, the key element that relates Diplomatic Risk to the real world is the people behind the scenes. The Heads of State are only partially in power during DR because they are constantly being advised of the group plan, because as they are sitting isolated from the bustle of the game, they are relatively uninformed about the workings of their state. This is very unlike the real world where a Head of State would ideally have the most comprehensive grasp of state strategy and status.
The realistic component of the game which makes it so enjoyable is the off board and off World Council allegiances, bargains, and treachery. Players are constantly aligning themselves with one thread of play and revolutionizing their gameplay at the end of every turn. As things change and shift in the real world, so do the interactions between states, as they do in DR. The disease outbreak in the United States is one such incident where states act mainly out of self-interest and their viewpoints change, as they do in the real world.
However, similar to real states, each team in DR has a way to win the game or “objective” that they are constantly working to achieve. This can be equated to the core values that all nations hold and define the way a nation goes about conducting their foreign policy. DR is an effective instrument to immerse IR students in a simulation setting that exposes us to some semblance of what goes on in the international community.
Diplomatic Risk vs. the Real World
Monday, October 18, 2010
Reflection 8
Sunday, October 17, 2010
Risk
Tuesday, October 12, 2010
Reflection—7
All of the groups that presented in our simulation all had compelling arguments from the standpoint they were tasked to represent. The views of the Sierra Club would coincide more with my personal outlook on the issue, which made it difficult to form a compelling argument to counter their points. This is the challenge with a debate type forum where viewpoints are assigned because many times you are forced to argue a point that you don’t agree with. I would like to further explore this ability because it was difficult to form a cohesive and substantive argument from a perspective that I saw so many holes in.
Also during the rebuttal time, it would have been useful for other groups besides the one presenting, to offer a second rebuttal, making the debate more into a discussion rather than a presentation of points (although that may have defeated the purpose of having a debate). However, altogether interactions with group mates as well as people in other groups were positive and easy to do. It was great working with a group that accomplished everything in a timely manner.
Reflection 7
Reflection: Simulation
Tuesday, October 5, 2010
Reflection—6
After discussion of marginalization in class on Friday, two basic positions arose. The first was that those on the outskirts of society do have an important impact on the public and need to be given a voice. The other was a slight clarification of this idea, acknowledging that the bottom rung is important, but only when they themselves forcefully make their voice heard. There also is a distinct difference between a marginalized people and a people being marginalized, which seemed to be overlooked in class. Suppression is a wholly different attitude than marginalization. The deliberate act of stifling a certain group’s voice in society reverts more to the idea of a dictatorship, than anything that is integral in contemporary democracy. However, to use the past United States as an example, the treatment of African Americans after the abolition of slavery is a clear policy of suppression because of it’s design to intentionally subjugate the interests of a specific group. To combat this, our current democracy has practices such as affirmative action, which have been put in place in the attempt to bring people in from the margins.
The question then arises, how much of this talk of marginalization is applicable to world politics or more specifically IR. In the case of world politics there is some impact in the sense that benevolent international powers, such as the U.S., engage in humanitarian operations to help those who are being suppressed (not those who are naturally marginalized). However, in terms of IR theory, the idea of marginalization is less tangible. Certainly there are states on the outside of power looking in, but that is because they have not established themselves as worth engaging. They impose no threat and provide little benefit to the international community. Third world nations rarely are involved as primary parties of important alliances because their international standing is focused on development more than substantial involvement.
International powers cannot be expected to cater to the desires of non-influential states, even though they sometimes do. States without a high level of international weight can only expect their opinions to be heard, not necessarily acted upon. Therefore they are inherently marginalized but certainly far from suppressed.
Monday, October 4, 2010
My exhilarating journey into one of Manhattan’s most vibrant communities
Wednesday, September 29, 2010
Incompatible Perspectives
Tuesday, September 28, 2010
Blog 6—
Just as World Politics is composed of different IR theories attempting to explain how international politics works, or how it should work, so too do these theories attempt to explain an international institution like Bretton Woods. Looking at IR as a whole, it is clear that not every state or individual with tangible influence in the system is in agreement with what philosophy is the best, and therefore each practices a different flavor of theory. The same could be true about how the different theories interact with international institutions. Is it possible that the three different premises could work harmoniously to achieve a general positive outcome? Or when the three IR theories are combined are their diversions simply too sharp to reconcile?
There is proof that they are in some way compatible because few, if any, of the current international institutions are homogenous in their IR views. Separate states enter with undeniably separate identities and many times unique goals and intentions, creating a sort of melting pot of IR thought. In these situations what ends up happening is that there is a majority or general consensus on how the institution is going to be run. The theory the institution operates under is not necessarily strictly one philosophy or another, but it is the ideology best fit for the organization; or at least that is the intention. In order for a state to enter into an international institution and experience any level of success, they are forced to concede some part of their views because these organizations are inherently based on cooperation and frequent compromise. A Hobbesian realist would be hard put to adhere to these standards of institutional involvement, which is one of the reasons why realists have an expressed disdain for these organizations.
Entering into an international institution like Bretton Woods brings radical realists or liberals back from the fringes of IR thought, into a situation that is more conducive to cooperation. Bretton Woods has a more liberal feel to the organization because it has a focus in installing a fair monetary measure for all states involved. However, there is also the realist aspect of states being interested in achieving the best value for their currency. Each institution is a conglomerate of ideas because if it were simply one theory it wouldn’t be a whole. There are gaps in realist, liberal, and constructivist thinking, and international institutions use each to subsidize the shortcomings of the others.
Monday, September 27, 2010
Reflection: America's Image
Reflection 5
Reflection 5—
The pledge of allegiance has garnered a bad reputation; it has become an enormously controversial institution in the United States. The fact of the matter is that it is not that controversial and not that important. There is the “under God” portion of the pledge, which is understandably divisive, but how much does that actually matter? If you don’t believe in God then don’t say “under God.” The pledge of allegiance by its nature is a personal pledge to your country, and if you don’t think that your country is omnisciently governed then omit that part; the words still flow quite nicely. The day that your government starts installing camera’s in every elementary school to see if each child is mouthing the words “under God” in the pledge of allegiance, is the day where you can be upset about it.
However, the crux of the dilemma with the pledge is that if people are upset with their government they refuse to say it. Where are the words “congress, president, government, vice president, cabinet, governor,” or any other word relating to contemporary government officials in the pledge? Hint: there aren’t any, so stop complaining about the pledge because you have a problem with George Bush or think a democratic majority in congress “sucks.” If every morning in your first period in high school you’re exhausted from staying up until 2am the night before playing Modern Warfare 2 and you don’t feel like standing up because you’re having trouble keeping your eyes open, then by all means stay seated. But if you stay in your seat as a pitiful act of ignorant protest against a pledge that promotes the ideals of “liberty and justice for all,” then maybe you should move to Canada.
Thursday, September 23, 2010
Blog post 5
Wednesday, September 22, 2010
State Actions and Social Standards
Blog 5—
On the international playground there are certain things that you just don’t do. You don’t throw woodchips at a girl, you don’t push you’re friend off the slide, you don’t hang on the monkey bars so long that nobody else gets a turn. Constructivists are correct in their assertion that there are certain unalienable social norms, inherent to the theatre of International Relations. These norms simply are more developed than what we consider to be social norms today. Instead of covering your mouth when you cough, there is International Law. Instead of holding the door open for people, there is the idea of War Crimes. When these generally accepted rules are broken, instead of awkward laugher, there are sanctions, indictments, and sometimes wars. The idea of humanitarianism is a widely recognized ideal throughout the world; it is something that states are expected to adhere to. However, just like social norms, international norms are not followed by everyone, but there is a strong incentive for states to follow them because, lets face it, nobody wants to be the guy who sneezes in his girlfriends face.
The reality of social norms can hardly be taken in a realist perspective as an agent of self-interest or furtherance of power. By the nature of a social norm, it is something that is restrictive. Norms or rules disallow or discourage people and states to act in their natural ways. A state has an instinctive drive to both expand and protect itself, and many times these social norms prevent states from becoming aggressive and taking measures to ensure their safety. For example, England or France do not set up military bases all over the U.S. because they are our ally, and it is a indisputable norm to trust your friends. Those European countries would certainly benefit both offensively and defensively by having bases in America, but their presence is limited because distrusting an ally could be considered “bad form.” International Law is not necessarily arbitrated throughout the world in as severe of a way as a set of laws would generally be adhered to, and that is because it is based on a general acceptance of what is right and wrong throughout the international community.
These norms are a function of our human commonality and serve an important purpose in the preservation of world order. Norms are constantly subject to change depending on the circumstances and hen these norms are violated there can be consequences. When penalties are imposed they redefine the limits and boundaries of what is acceptable in IR.
Monday, September 20, 2010
Reflection 4- In the comparison between realism and liberalism that we have been exploring in the last two weeks, I have found myself conflicted by the rationality of both arguments, however, there is one commonality that both theories recognize which is indicative as to which theory is superior. The assertion by realists that the primary obligation of a state, in terms of international relations, is to uphold their sovereignty or survival is undeniably true. Liberalists attempt to refute this, but the immutable certainty is that if a state has no power or any other aspects of sovereignty within their borders, they cease to be a state and all other parts of IR are essentially moot. However, in the realist haste to “over-preserve” the state, and their preoccupation with the balance of power, they overlook some key characteristics of a state that make autonomy worthwhile. By interacting with other nations as hostile entities, simply bargaining for economic and military dominance, realists lose sight of the rationality behind having a co-dependant relationship. Realists completely discount the idea of trade as mutually beneficial and instead depend on the idea of comparative trade benefits. Liberals are of the mind that trade that stimulates two states’ economies doesn’t only benefit the internal workings of each state, but also works to foster a positive reliance between the two that is conducive to peace. Each theory has some of the greater picture of IR, but when they are put together, a more sophisticated and complete philosophy begins to emerge.
However, because America is all about being on one side or the other, there is a clear victor in the debate of Realism vs. Liberalism. The Prisoner’s Dilemma Model demonstrates this. The fact that if two states both practice realism they end up as a 3,3 which is not beneficial for either, that indicates that it is the lesser theory. With Liberalism, the two states would land on 2,2 which is the best option possible if you take both of the states’ bests interests into consideration. Therefore liberalism is the stronger of the two IR theories that we have addressed thus far.